<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
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<title>Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica 2005, nr 78</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13685" rel="alternate"/>
<subtitle/>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13685</id>
<updated>2026-04-07T00:55:27Z</updated>
<dc:date>2026-04-07T00:55:27Z</dc:date>
<entry>
<title>Udział Wincentego Rzymowskiego w początkach działalności ONZ (1945-1946)</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13733" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Chmielewska, Lucyna</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13733</id>
<updated>2018-02-01T11:19:52Z</updated>
<published>2005-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Udział Wincentego Rzymowskiego w początkach działalności ONZ (1945-1946)
Chmielewska, Lucyna
Wincenty Rzymowski fungierte als den Außenminister (2 V 1945-5 II 1947) während des&#13;
Beginnes der Funktion von Organisation der Vereinten Nationen. Es wird in diesem Artikel&#13;
über den Anschluss Polens an Organisation der Vereinten Nationen und über die Rolle von&#13;
Rzymowski dort gesprochen. Der polnische Außenminister Wincenty Rzymowski schrieb die&#13;
UNO - Charta am 16. Oktober 1945 unter und nahm an dem ersten und zweiter: Teil der&#13;
ersten Session der Allgemeinen Ansammlung von Organisation der Vereinten Nationen in&#13;
London und in New York 1946 teil. Der Besuch von Rzymowski in Vereinigte Staaten und&#13;
in Großbritannien 1945-1946 wurde von der Presse der polnischen Exilregierung sehr scharf&#13;
kommentiert. Es wurde die Äußerungen von Rzymowski und seine Verhaltensweise in&#13;
„Dziennik Polski i Dziennik Żołnierza” viel und kritisch beschrieben.
</summary>
<dc:date>2005-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Komitet do Spraw Szlachty Zagrodowej na Wschodzie Polski 1938-1939</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13732" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Kacprzak, Michał</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13732</id>
<updated>2018-02-01T11:19:52Z</updated>
<published>2005-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Komitet do Spraw Szlachty Zagrodowej na Wschodzie Polski 1938-1939
Kacprzak, Michał
One of the results of long standing annexations was liquidation of the whole social&#13;
stratum which nobility had presented before partitions. The first actions to make the&#13;
descendants of the former nobility become the Poles took place in 1934. In north-eastern&#13;
terrains the actions took place later and in a different way.&#13;
The action of the recapturing of nobility was begun in turczański administrative unit,&#13;
and it was spread on the eastern province in southern Poland and Wołyń. The noble youth&#13;
were led to special military units. A periodical tilled ‘Wake up’ was started to distribute to&#13;
backwaters. The organizing of the circles of nobility, common rooms, cooperatives, agricultural&#13;
was started as well.&#13;
The Secretariat of Polish Social Organizations was responsible for the coordination of&#13;
the actions. On behalf of Polish Social Organizations the action was taken by the Company&#13;
of the Development of Eastern Lands. But with time the problem became so much momentous&#13;
that in November 1937, during the special conference organized by Ministry of Military&#13;
Affairs, representatives of ministries, institutions and army decided to appoint interministerial&#13;
Nobility’s Affairs Committee.&#13;
But instead of it on 25lh February 1938 Nobility’s Affairs Committee was appointed within&#13;
the Company of the Development of Eastern Lands. The activity of the committee was run&#13;
in lour sections: scientific, propaganda, economic and financial. The committee was patronizing&#13;
to the actions of Nobility Union which numbered about six hundred and thirty of circles&#13;
and fifty thousand of members in 1939. The scientific section fulfilled a crucial role in the&#13;
workings of the committee. Work was due to be run as a national activity, not political and&#13;
adjusted to the local conditions and coordinated with the whole of Polish work in the East.
</summary>
<dc:date>2005-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Polityka agrarna rządu Władysława Grabskiego w latach 1923-1925</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13731" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Chylak, Karol</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13731</id>
<updated>2018-02-01T11:19:41Z</updated>
<published>2005-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Polityka agrarna rządu Władysława Grabskiego w latach 1923-1925
Chylak, Karol
After the First World War the Republic of Poland was an agricultural country where&#13;
almost 2/3 of the population of a country was cultivating. This agrarian structure, with dwarf&#13;
farms, was not very profitable, because it did not give maintenance to its owner, and it had&#13;
no prospects of development for the future. The most important issues were the remains of&#13;
archaic ways of farming such as patchwork and land communities.&#13;
Poland was not raised from the dead yet when the issue of the agrarian reforms divided&#13;
politicians into two hostile camps. This state of the situation had disastrous influence on&#13;
reformist conceptions because some parties had more and more radical watchwords and the&#13;
other ones were falling into extreme conservatism. As a result of such conduct there was the&#13;
establishment of agrarian relations. On 10th July, 1919 the Seym (the lower house of the&#13;
Polish Parliament) adopted a resolution concerning the agricultural reform and on 15th July,&#13;
1920 following it a bill, which were both the result of the compromise. None of political&#13;
options was satisfied of that bill, so nobody cared deeply about the realization of the bill.&#13;
Władysław Grabski did not have to be concerned about the demands of the agricultural&#13;
reform which were becoming more and more radical. The tension round the issue was his&#13;
own fault, the consequence of the adoption of the tactic to find support in the Seym. The&#13;
Prime Minister did not have any uniform, reformist manifesto. He was selecting his associates&#13;
on the basis of the profit or the loss of votes in Parliament, not taking the realization of&#13;
the bill into consideration. In the first half ol 1924, when the highest positions were taken&#13;
by the people of the Right, Władysław Grabski was realizing the conception of the transformation&#13;
of the agrarian structure using economic stimuli. Bigger properties were due to be taxed. At&#13;
the same time some preparations were made to introduce State Agricultural Bank whose aim was to help in integrating of farmlands. To meet with support in Parliament Władysław&#13;
Grabski resigned as Minister of Agricultural Reforms. W. Kopczyński, the candidate of the&#13;
Polish Peasant Party „Liberation" was Władysław Grabski’s successor. It was unavoidable to&#13;
introduce the issue of the agricultural reform in forum of the Seym where politics were more&#13;
important than sober thinking. It was failure of reforms connected with the Polish country&#13;
because politics once again won with a Polish raison d’etat.
</summary>
<dc:date>2005-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Przesłanki wizyty prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych Richarda Nixona w Moskwie w dniach 22-30 maja 1972 roku</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13730" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Porczyńska, Anna</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13730</id>
<updated>2018-02-01T11:19:59Z</updated>
<published>2005-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Przesłanki wizyty prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych Richarda Nixona w Moskwie w dniach 22-30 maja 1972 roku
Porczyńska, Anna
The Policy of Peaceful Competition realized by President of the United Stales Richard&#13;
Nixon on the turn of 1960s and 1970s resulted in the peaceful dialogue between the United&#13;
States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics concerning disarmament. The&#13;
circumstances of the summit talks in Moscow were: the inclination to consolidation of&#13;
international security and peace propagated by the Eastern European Socialdemocratics in the&#13;
conception of disengagement and conception of the peaceful coexistence of slates which have&#13;
different social systems restored during the 20th and 22nd Congress of Communist Party of&#13;
the USSR. Agreements about the fragmentary limitations of nuclear armaments were the proof&#13;
of these conceptions on the turn of 1960s and 1970s. The other circumstances were: fiasco&#13;
of the American policy in Wietnam and tense relations between Moscow and Peking, which were permitted The Nixon Administration to take the advantage of that rapprochement with&#13;
the People’s Republic of China to establish a dialogue with the USSR. The encouragement&#13;
to bcgining a dialogue was A Peaceful Programme, which Brezniev announced of the turn of&#13;
March and April 1972 concerning a new foreign policy of the USSR to detente between East&#13;
and West. The fundamental circumstance of the summit talks in Moscow was the acknowledgement&#13;
by the United States and the USSR, at the end of 1960s, that nuclear parity&#13;
exsisted, which was linked with continual expenses for armaments and new technology of&#13;
armaments by both powers. Moreover, the leaders of the USSR wanted to sign the economic&#13;
agreement with the United States which would allow to avoid disastrous economic situation&#13;
in the USSR. One should add the efficient control of the realization of the agreements&#13;
accepted by the states in the field of disarmament which was possible due to using the national&#13;
technical control measures. All these circumstances resulted in the visit of the President of&#13;
the United Stales in Moscow in May 1972 and it initiated signing the agreements of limitation&#13;
of strategic armaments, scientific, technical and cultural cooperation between both superpowers.
</summary>
<dc:date>2005-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
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