Współczesne badania geograficzno-historyczne krajobrazu kulturowego http://hdl.handle.net/11089/28783 2026-04-08T08:40:13Z 2026-04-08T08:40:13Z Skulimowska, Małgorzata http://hdl.handle.net/11089/29113 2019-07-02T01:25:19Z 2018-01-01T00:00:00Z

Uwarunkowania geograficzne i historyczne kształtowania krajobrazu kulturowego na obszarze województwa podkarpackiego Skulimowska, Małgorzata This article is to show the title connection between geographical and historical factors and the issue of shaping of cultural landscape. Therefore, both the natural and historical factors have been analysed in the area of Podkarpackie Voivodeship in comparison with its current borders. The area of Podkarpackie Voivodeship has undeniable cultural advantages, which have been gained over the centuries under the substantial influence of three main cultures: Polish, Ruthenian-Ukrainian and Jewish. What makes this region attractive is the multicultural character of the preserved historic buildings as well as their huge number. The main aim of the research was to determine and identify geographical and historical factors which have made an influence on the changes in the cultural landscape in the area of the current borders of Podkarpackie Voivodeship over the centuries. Historic buildings that are in the area of Podkarpackie Voivodeship, both secular and sacred, are one of the tourist attractions that appeal to visitors. But also nowadays various factors are responsible for the vanishing of some of those multicultural buildings and the landscape undergoes significant changes.; W artykule dokonano uzasadnienia powiązania uwarunkowań geograficznych i historycznych kwestią kształtowania krajobrazu kulturowego. W tym celu przeprowadzono analizę czynników przyrodniczych i historycznych na obszarze województwa podkarpackiego na tle jego obecnych granic. Obszar województwa podkarpackiego posiada niezaprzeczalne walory kulturowe, które powstały na przestrzeni wieków pod znacznym wpływem trzech głównych kultur: polskiej, ukraińsko-ruskiej i żydowskiej. O atrakcyjności tego regionu decyduje więc zarówno wielokulturowy charakter zachowanych obiektów zabytkowych, jak i ich ogromna liczba. Głównym celem badawczym artykułu było rozpoznanie i zdefiniowanie uwarunkowań geograficznych i historycznych, które wpłynęły na zmiany zachodzące na przestrzeni wieków w krajobrazie kulturowym na terenach znajdujących się obecnie w granicach województwa podkarpackiego. Istniejące na obszarze tego województwa obiekty zabytkowe, zarówno świeckie, jak i sakralne, są jedną z atrakcji turystycznych przyciągających turystów. Jednak również w obecnych czasach wiele czynników wpływa na to, że część z tych wielokulturowych obiektów zanika, a krajobraz ulega zasadniczym przekształceniom.

2018-01-01T00:00:00Z Sobczyński, Marek http://hdl.handle.net/11089/29112 2021-07-23T06:26:45Z 2018-01-01T00:00:00Z

XVI Międzynarodowa Konferencja z Geografii Politycznej – Rola państwa w erze globalizacji Sobczyński, Marek

2018-01-01T00:00:00Z Rykała, Andrzej http://hdl.handle.net/11089/29111 2021-10-02T06:44:35Z 2018-01-01T00:00:00Z

O „topografii pustki” w krajobrazie kulturowym. Miejsca niepamięci i nie-miejsca pamięci w kontekście mordów dokonanych na Żydach w Polsce w pierwszych miesiącach po drugiej wojnie światowej Rykała, Andrzej Writing about the annihilation of the unprecedented concentration of Jews in Poland, spurred by the unparalleled brutality of German perpetrators, we should also add that in the shadow of the Holocaust, and often hand-in-hand with its main architects, numerous members of Polish society also committed acts of aggression and terror. The most terrifying scale of acts of collective violence against the Jewish population broke out mainly in those areas captured by the Germans (Podlasie, especially its part between Grajew and Łomża, and eastern Galicia), which until mid-1941 were occupied by the Soviet Union. A wave of anti-Jewish terror has arrived in Radziłów on July 7. In the three-day pogrom – preceded by the campaign of destroying Torah scrolls and humiliating Jews (including shaving them) initiated by the Germans on July 25, 1941 – local Poles, using the approval from German gendarmes, gathered most of their Jewish neighbours to a barn and burned them there, while the others were caught and killed in different ways. The number of murdered Jews is estimated at 600. This former city did not, however, become a place of remembrance of the execution committed by Polish Christians on their Jewish neighbours. The monument commemorating their martyrdom still bears an inscription: “In August of 1941, the fascists murdered 800 people of Jewish nationality, they burnt 500 of these people in the barn. Honour their memory". The approaching end of the Second World War and the inevitable defeat of Hitler’s Germany did not mean the end of the drama of Jews in the Polish lands. In areas abandoned by German occupation forces, many survivors, often homeless, lonely and frightened, struggling with trauma and pain after the loss of their relatives, experienced further violence. Those guilty of crimes were usually not identified, and even if their identity was established, the acts they had committed did not prevent them in contemporary Poland from being granted the honour of being in the pantheon of the heroes of history written by the national majority (e.g. Józef Kuraś, pseudonym Ogień, responsible for the murders in Podhale). In the opinion of many researchers (among others, A. Całej, H. Datner, D. Engel, A. Skibińska, A. Żbikowski), the war did not contribute in the slightest to softening or discrediting the prejudice of Poles towards Jews. Anti-Jewish stereotypes turned out to be permanent. It did not cause any compassion for the victims of the Holocaust, nor solidarity with them within the society at large. As Irena Hurwic-Nowakowska argued, some part of it considered “the extermination of Jews” as “quite normal” conduct, a continuation of the “values and concepts” “implanted” during the occupation. In turn, the places of many traumatic events, marked by the suffering and death of the Holocaust survivors, have not become points that would spark remembrance in local or supralocal communities. They have arranged themselves, “spread out” into another postwar layer of “burial”, without a “definite place” to lay flowers, meditate or stop. There have been only few commemorations in space of so many cases of post-war violence against Jews. The establishment of a place of remembrance usually happened in relations to those crimes that: had the largest number of victims, occurred in larger cities, have been precisely located and, due to this baggage of characteristics, have been scientifically described (e.g. the Kielce pogrom of July 1946). It should be assumed that these at least 200 places of crimes against the survivors – this approximate number shows that a clear figure is impossible to arrive at this early stage of research – will never be remembered in any form. In striving to identify these tragic points in the historical time-space, it should be of primary importance to make them parts of the collective consciousness. It is therefore paramount that the locations of these events become places of focus for dramatic Jewish histories, assume characteristics that would transform them into carriers of memory of the victims. They should become the attachment points for the local, and non-local, identity (a source of realisation that it happened in this particular town, or its vicinity, here, no matter how hard it is now to say where exactly).; Wieńcząca drugą wojnę światową klęska hitlerowskich Niemiec nie oznaczała kresu dramatu Żydów na ziemiach polskich. Jeszcze przed zakończeniem największego w dziejach świata konfliktu na terenach opuszczonych przez okupacyjne wojska niemieckie wielu ocalałych z Holokaustu, często bezdomnych, osamotnionych i wylęknionych, nadal doznawało przemocy. Upamiętnienia w przestrzeni doczekały się tylko niektóre spośród wielu ofiar (i aktów) powojennego terroru antyżydowskiego. Podobnie zresztą w nikłym stopniu formą publicznej komemoracji objęte zostały wcześniejsze, wojenne przypadki kolektywnych mordów dokonanych na Żydach przez polskich chrześcijan. Gdy jednak już doszło do topograficznego oznaczenia informacji o aktach rozgrywającego się w cieniu Holokaustu dramatu, nie przywracano na ogół pełnej prawdy o sprawcach (ich proweniencji etnicznej czy osadzeniu terytorialnym) oraz przebiegu tych wydarzeń.

2018-01-01T00:00:00Z Kowalski, Mariusz http://hdl.handle.net/11089/29109 2019-07-02T01:25:25Z 2018-01-01T00:00:00Z

Dwuetniczność międzywojennej Warszawy w świetle wyników wyborów Kowalski, Mariusz The results of the elections, including their spatial diversity, are very often influenced by the cultural diversity of voters. This is clearly visible in Poland during the interwar period (1918-1939). This shows, among other, the study of J. Kopstein and J. Wittenberg (2000). Poles voted for nationwide parties with different ideological features. Members of ethnic minorities choosing parties emphasizing their ethnicity. The only grouping that fully broke the ethnic divide were the Communists, who were voted on by both Polish and Jewish voters. This is also confirmed in the case of election results in Warsaw, a city inhabited by Poles (70%) and Jews (30%). It was a rule that about 75-80% of Warsaw voters voted for the nationwide parties and the remaining 20-25% for the Jewish parties. However, the analysis of the Warsaw elections does not confirm the thesis of J. Kopstein and J. Wittenberg (2000) that the Poles voted ideologically, while the Jews voted for the parties representing the Jews as a minority. Jewish parties also had a differentiated ideological image with the Left, the Right and the Center. Taking into account this diversity, it makes possible to see that Jewish voters expressed greater sympathy for the left-wing parties (Bund, the Communists and Poale Zion) than Poles (Polish Socialist Party, the Communists). At the end of the 1930s, the leftist sympathies were particularly prominent among the Jews. In the elections to the city council of Warsaw in 1938, the left among the Jewish parties won 2/3 votes (the Bund and Poale Zion), while among the national groups only 1/3 (Polish Socialist Party). On the other hand, Kopstein and Wittenberg argue that Jews were not the main source of communist influence in Poland. Support for candidates of this political option in Warsaw, both among Poles as Jews, reached a maximum of 17% (in 1927). Earlier and later support in both communities was lower. At most it may be noted that in the case of Jews before 1927 it was lower than among Poles, while after 1927 higher. Kopstein and Wittenberg are right that the Jews were not the main base of communist influence in Poland. Support for candidates of this political option in Warsaw, both among Poles and Jews, reached a maximum of 17% in 1927. Earlier and later support was lower. In the case of Jews before 1927 it was lower than among Poles, while after 1927 higher.Spatial segregation, both ethnically and socially, has resulted in a strong spatial variation in the results of the elections. The Polish right was dominant in the central districts of the city, the Polish left in the suburbs. The exceptions from this regularity were North Districts (Muranów, Powązki, Grzybów) and part of Praga, where the Jewish parties dominated. The largest concentration of Jewish voters was the Northern District. In its eastern part the Jewish right won, in its western part the Jewish Left and the Communists. Jews were not the main base of influence of Communists in Poland, however, certain circumstances allow to understand why such a stereotype appeared. At least in the case of Warsaw, though perhaps also on a nationwide scale, the Jews showed more sympathy for the left than the Polish voters. In addition, the proportion of Jews among the members of the Communist Party (about 25%), and especially in the authorities of this party (30-50%), was higher than their share in the whole population (10%). Jews also often cooperated with the Polish left to oppose the influence of the nationalist Polish right. For the latter, the identification of the left with the Jews and Jews with the left was a very comfortable argument in the political struggle.; Na wyniki wyborów, w tym ich zróżnicowanie przestrzenne, bardzo często wpływa różnorodność kulturowa wyborców. Widać to wyraźnie w Polsce w okresie międzywojennym. Potwierdzają to również wyniki wyborów w Warszawie – mieście zamieszkiwanym przez Polaków (70%) i Żydów (30%). Polacy głosowali na ogólnopolskie partie o różnych cechach ideologicznych, członkowie mniejszości etnicznych wybierali natomiast partie podkreślające ich pochodzenie. Partie żydowskie miały także zróżnicowany wizerunek ideologiczny, choć można dostrzec, że żydowscy wyborcy wyrażali większą sympatię dla partii lewicowych niż Polacy, aby przeciwstawić się wpływowi nacjonalistycznej prawicy. Jedynym ugrupowaniem, które w pełni przełamało podziały etniczne, byli komuniści. Segregacja przestrzenna, zarówno etniczna, jak i społeczna, spowodowała silne zróżnicowanie wyników wyborów. Polska prawica dominowała w centralnych dzielnicach miasta, polska lewica – na suburbiach. Wyjątkami od tej regularności były dzielnice północne (Muranów, Powązki, Grzybów) i część Pragi, gdzie dominowały partie żydowskie. Największą koncentracją wyborców żydowskich był okręg północny. W jego wschodniej części wygrywała prawica żydowska, w zachodniej części – żydowska lewica i komuniści.

2018-01-01T00:00:00Z