<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<feed xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/">
<title>Przegląd Nauk Historycznych 2012, R. XI, nr 1</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/3686" rel="alternate"/>
<subtitle/>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/3686</id>
<updated>2026-04-04T15:02:25Z</updated>
<dc:date>2026-04-04T15:02:25Z</dc:date>
<entry>
<title>Kontakty polsko-islandzkie po 1945 r.</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4854" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Romański, Mirosław</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4854</id>
<updated>2018-02-01T11:18:54Z</updated>
<published>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Kontakty polsko-islandzkie po 1945 r.
Romański, Mirosław
The text entitled Polish-Icelandic contacts after 1945 presents previously un-known closer relations between the two countries, ie Poland and Iceland after the  World War II. In this paper the author tried to present a general relationship between the two countries, focusing on all major fields of cooperation, namely on diplomatic, political, economical and cultural relations.  &#13;
Turning points of the text are justified, because renewal of these contacts oc-curred after 1945, and the cooperation between mentioned countries exists vir-tually to the present day. Of course, they looked different then, and on other planes Poland cooperates with Iceland today.  &#13;
Although there were a few texts concerning the studied subject, but they fo-cus more on cultural contacts and Icelandic government’s politics on the em-ployment of Poles in this country. For example, the matter of political cooperation and the attitude of the Polish People’s Republic towards the Icelandic policy have not been widely discussed. &#13;
The source collections concerning discussed subject acquired Archives of New Records in Warsaw, where we could find the Polish and English documents on Polish cooperation with Iceland in the period. On this basis the author was able to reproduce the conditions and character of these relations. Preliminary archival research was enriched with press sources, but despite their impressive numbers, the information contained in them are often duplicated by different authors. &#13;
Undoubtedly topics discussed in this article can be a contribution to do more research in this area, to which the author warmly encourages everyone in-terested in the subject.
</summary>
<dc:date>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Uwagi w sprawie funkcjonowania Rady Nieustającej w latach 1778–1780</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4853" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Milik, Katarzyna</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4853</id>
<updated>2018-02-01T11:18:57Z</updated>
<published>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Uwagi w sprawie funkcjonowania Rady Nieustającej w latach 1778–1780
Milik, Katarzyna
The Permanent Council was the first central executive authority in the his-tory of the Republic of Poland. It was really significant for the development of Polish administration because, in that way, a new form of authority was estab-lished. What is important, the Permanent Council was claimed to be able to help the Republic of Poland to deal with the anarchy.&#13;
However, the term of office 1778–1780 clearly indicated that the Council was not able to rule the country independently and effectively. First of all, it was caused by the law and the activity of Commissions (called: The Great Commis-sions) which significantly restricted the Council. The activity of the Great Com-missions often collided with competencies of particular departments of the Coun-cil, for example, the Revenue Commission with the Revenue Department. In addition, there were not adequate regulations enabling effective activity of the central authority. In fact, a great number of the Council’s initiatives remained only on &#13;
a paper. Moreover, as a „tool of Petersburg”, the Permanent Council was attacked by patriotic circles since the very beginning. It was mainly criticized for the range of its entitlements. The opposition was afraid of the strong Council’s rule that could threaten freedom of the Nobility. It was even postulated to abolish the Council.&#13;
In spite of all, it is admitted that activity of the Permanent Council was beneficial for the country and it allowed to develop modern forms of administration.
</summary>
<dc:date>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Patrycja Domejko-Kozera, Polityka zagraniczna Hiszpanii w okresie rządów Felipe Gonzáleza (1982–1996), Wydawnictwo Naukowe Semper, Warszawa 2011, ss. 311</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4852" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Brzeziński, Andrzej M.</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4852</id>
<updated>2018-02-01T11:18:57Z</updated>
<published>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Patrycja Domejko-Kozera, Polityka zagraniczna Hiszpanii w okresie rządów Felipe Gonzáleza (1982–1996), Wydawnictwo Naukowe Semper, Warszawa 2011, ss. 311
Brzeziński, Andrzej M.
</summary>
<dc:date>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Krystyna Szelągowska, My Norwegowie. Tożsamość narodowa norweskich elit w czasach nowożytnych, Avalon Publishing House, Kraków 2011, ss. 399</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4851" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Anusik, Zbigniew</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4851</id>
<updated>2022-01-12T11:22:30Z</updated>
<published>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Krystyna Szelągowska, My Norwegowie. Tożsamość narodowa norweskich elit w czasach nowożytnych, Avalon Publishing House, Kraków 2011, ss. 399
Anusik, Zbigniew
</summary>
<dc:date>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
</feed>
