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<title>Techne. Seria Nowa 2018, nr 1</title>
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<title>Geneza oraz ewolucja ołtarza ramowego na Śląsku i w twórczości artystów związanych z ośrodkiem artystycznym w Bardzie</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/27829</link>
<description>Geneza oraz ewolucja ołtarza ramowego na Śląsku i w twórczości artystów związanych z ośrodkiem artystycznym w Bardzie
Kolbiarz, Artur
Over 30 years ago, Tadeusz Chrzanowski pointed to numerous frame-type altars in the area around the Silesian city of Bardo, recognising them as typical of the region. Although frame-type retabula were also popular in the rest of Silesia, the number of such works in the Duchy of Ziębice is de facto very high. On many occasions, authors of such reredoses were creators connected with the artistic centre in the city of Bardo, which was somewhat of a peculiarity. It was a small, borderland settlement located next to the main tract connecting Wrocław and Kłodzko, and concentrated around a pilgrimaging church which belonged to the Cistercians from Kamieniec Ząbkowicki. Throughout the 18th century, it was home to numerous artists, mainly sculptors, but also carpenters, stonemasons and staffage painters, whose exceptionally intense activity allowed the Bardo workshops to dominate the artistic market in the Duchy of Ziębice, following a simultaneous weakening of the nearby sculpturing centres in Wrocław, Świdnica and Kłodzko. What is more, the workshops in Bardo clearly marked their presence in the ecclesiastical Duchy of Nysa, the County of Kłodzko and in the Wrocław area, sporadically operating also in Broumovsko, and Upper and Opavskie Silesia. The most predominant role in the Bardocentre was played by Andreas Ludwig Jaschke, who remained professionally active for over 50 years, and by the representatives of the artistic Hartmann dynasty: Johann Heinrich (who also enjoyed a long and professionally active life) and his sons Johann Nepomucene and Joseph. The peak of their artistic output can approximately be dated to the period between 1740 and 1790. The Bardo-based artists worked for such locally prominent patrons of the arts as the abbots of the Cistercian convents from Kamieniec Ząbkowicki and Henrykow, the Jesuits from Kłodzko and Nysa, the canons from Wrocław,and the Benedictines from Broumovsko. For a long time, the central altar in the pilgrimaging church in Silesian Bardo (1715) or the retabulum in the post-Jesuit church in Nysa (1691) were perceived as the archetype of the frame-type reredos in Silesia. It was Ryszard Hołownia who revolutionised the status of the research, pointing to the non-existent high altar of the Church of St. Jacob in Nysa (1677-1679), erected thanks to the endeavours of Cardinal Friedrich von Hessen-Darmstadt. This mysterious work was so innovative that similar forms and designs would not be seen in Silesia and the whole of Central Europe until a few decades later. Equally surprising was the lack of imitation of the Nysa retabulum in the art of the region. Silesian frame-type altars began to appear in greater numbers after 1700, combining the experience of the transalpine art (acanthus epitaphs and retabula) with dramatizing motifs derived from Italy (angels carrying the altar painting). Initially, their appearance varied and depended on individual artistic conceptions. It was the artists gathered around the monastic workshop in Lubiąż who contributed to the development of a full-scale programme of a frame-type retabulum. At first, under the guidance of Matthias Steinl, they introduced acanthus altars in the region. And then, they popularised the motif of angelic statues carrying the painting, possibly under the guidance of Michael Lichtner, as mentioned in the archives. An early example of a frame-type altar in Silesia is the reredos within the Church of Corpus Christi in Wrocław (1699), authored by Sulpicius Gode. In the Duchy of Ziębice, frame-type reredoses were present in the works by artists directly preceding the heyday of the Bardo centre: Leopold Strauss, Anton Jorg and Georg Schenck. Archival materials indicate that Strauss made the high altar of the pilgrimaging church in Bardo(1714-1715 and 1720-1721). After his death and the emigration of the others, the leading role in the region was taken by artists working in Bardo, who eagerly applied the frame-typealtar. They already used more standardised and unified forms, inspired by the art of the Archduchy of Austria in the first half of the 18th century (and, above all, the works by Johann Lukas von Hildebrandt and Antonio Beduzzi). Another common practice they applied was the expansion of altar pedestal areas by adding gates. One may even venture to state that the increased popularity of frame-type reredoses in the region of Kamieniec Ząbkowickistemmed from the high status of the altar in Bardo, which constituted a frame for the venerated statue of Mother of God.
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<dc:date>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/27828">
<title>Ekonomiczna kalkulacja? Ołtarze iluzjonistyczne XVIII wieku na terenie Słowacji</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/27828</link>
<description>Ekonomiczna kalkulacja? Ołtarze iluzjonistyczne XVIII wieku na terenie Słowacji
Kolbiarz Chmelinová, Katarína
The majority of the 18th century altars in Central Europe are objects made of polychromed wood, stucco, or stone. There are, however, other altars whose retabula – as a whole or predominantly – take the form of a wall painting. The basis for these works is a spatial and material illusion, which imitates the presence of a real reredos within the painting, and in some cases even the imagined space around it. The beginnings of the monumental, architecturally illusionistic murals in Central European art are undoubtedly connected with the Viennese activity of Andrea Pozzo in the early 18th century, and his famous treatise entitled Perspectiva pictorum et architectorum. The principia of new formal achievements, instilled in the Habsburg capital, subsequently radiated ontowall painting, including the illusionistic altars of various kinds and constructed at different timeswithin neighbouring countries. In Slovakia, painted, illusionistic altars have not so far been the subject of systematic research. Over the centuries, numerous such altars have either been destroyed or preserved in a truly terrible condition. Thus, this article is the first to present a summary view on such types of works in the region, with the elaboration of a new, basic, chronological and typological order. The initial part of the article is devoted to the presentation of the fewdirect reflections of Pozzo’s works, which were created in the first half of the 18thcentury. The review begins with the works by Christoph Tausch (Banska Štiavnica), Pozzo’s protegeand assistant, which are known only from archival citations and references. The next stage of the development of illusionistic altars, dated to the mid-18thcentury, is represented by a set of six wall paintings from temples in the Banska Štiavnica Calvary between 1744 and 1751. These works, referring to Pozzo’s achievements and the Viennese art, were created by Anton Schmidt (1713-1773), a graduate of a local art academy. On the one hand, the paintings had been ordered from a leading regional artist, and on the other hand, the applied technique entailed a pragmatic reduction in time, costs, and the occupied space within the temples. Broadly speaking, however, illusionistic altars had not gained popularity by the first half of the century, unlike in Austria, Bohemia and Silesia, and they were created in an updated form, including the latest artistic trends of the time. The apogee of the whole process dates to the last three decades of the 18thcentury and includesthe works that cultivated both solutions representinglate Baroque and Rococo styles, and the features of early Classicism. Model examples are the painted decorations within the presbytery of the church of the Pauline Fathers in Šamorin from 1778, initialled with the monogram of F.S. (and made in accordance with an older model, patterned on the work by Paul Heineken), and a series of illusionistically painted retabulain the Premonstratensian church in Košice, created in the late 18th century by Erasmus Schrott (1755-1804), who was closely linked to Viennese circles. A further part of the article discusses a group of miscellaneous works – at times simpler and cheaper – which graced a series of parish churches. The introduction,in the territories of today’s Slovakia, and the subsequent growth in popularity of a particular type of altar retabulum, created by means of a wall-painting technique (mainly fresco-secco) dates to the 18th century, with its apogee in the final three decades of the century. Typologically, it was dominated by tectonic reredoses, with various degrees of complexity – from simpler variants of aediculae, through a pillared niche and a colonnade, to Apsisaltar. Sometimes, these are also imitations of canopy-type altars or altars with an applied motif of a canopy in the central axis or in the topping. Occasionally, there are also imaginations of an illusionistically painted ceremonial drapery in the background. In the case of illusionistic altars, just like for the remaining types of architectural wall painting, an important role at the designing stage was played by architectonic treatises and patterns. In the said territory, particular popularity was enjoyed by Andrea Pozzo’s treatise, with others including the works by Heineken, Galli-Bibiena and Schubler. It must also be stated that after the second half of the 18th century, no major changes were implemented, and the older patterns and models, already rooted in the tradition, were chiefly updated by means of more modern ornaments. It was not until the last three decades of the century that the post-Pozzo tradition began to recede at the expense of simpler structures which complied more aptly with the spirit of the incoming Classicism. In the entirety of the illusionistic painting – both decorations of vaults and retabula – an important role was played by the Viennese centre of art, and not only in reference to the territories of today’s Slovakia, but also to Central and East-Central Europe. A significant number of wall-painting authors remain unknown,and as far as the issue of orders is concerned, it is impossible to ignore the fact that these works were most popular among the representatives of the Roman Catholic Church. It is also quite obvious that painted altars were more inexpensive, less time-consuming to complete, and easier to undergo modifications in due course. Illusionistic altars, created in the northern part of the former Kingdom of Hungary in the 18th century,had numerous imitations in the subsequent century. The last part of the paper presents the continuation of the tradition, including historicising works illustrated with an example of the work of the Franciscan painter Konrad Švestka (1833-1907).
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<dc:date>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/27827">
<title>Owalne tempietta w małej architekturze sakralnej w Polsce</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/27827</link>
<description>Owalne tempietta w małej architekturze sakralnej w Polsce
Bania, Zbigniew
The most commonly applied compositional motif in Polish Baroque altarsis an aedicula, variously transformed – in the Berninian spirit – with an intermittent or curved finial, and multiple side pillars. I believe that it would be advisable to distinguish a set of solutions that stem from the idea Francesco Borromini applied while designing the bays within the pillars of the nave in the Archbasilica of St. John [in] Lateran in Rome. This composition refers to the concept of tempiettoson a circular plan, and the modification there lies in its extensive transformation: lowering the frontal pillars, and giving it an oval plan with an intermittent finial. Thus, what we have there is an attempt to design a pillared canopy that opens towards the interior of the church and which contains either sculptures or a painting composition.
</description>
<dc:date>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/27825">
<title>Ewolucja ikonostasu w sztuce cerkiewnej na terenie I Rzeczpospolitej</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/27825</link>
<description>Ewolucja ikonostasu w sztuce cerkiewnej na terenie I Rzeczpospolitej
Janocha, Michał
The article offers an outlook on the history and theology of the altar in the modern-period era in the context of the Byzantine Rite. In the Byzantine liturgy, the altar (prestoł) is separated from the nave by iconostasis which becomes a crucial structural and theological component of the Eastern Church. The time brackets for the paper are marked out by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1569-1795). During that period, Orthodox art underwent the processes of the Westernisation of culture and the Latinisation of the liturgy, facilitated by the Union of Brest (1596). These factors resulted in the iconostasis gradually taking more Baroque forms, adapting certain elements of the reredos and becoming more alike (Photos 6-7), and eventually, in some 18th Century Orthodox churches, it was substituted with the Baroque reredos, which was particularly common in the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (Photos 8-10).It was an especially varied and diversified process. In Red Ruthenia and Subcarpathia, not only did the iconostasis not disappear, but it was also expanded, reaching its ‘classical’five-storey form in the second half of the 17th century (Photos 1-5). The aforementioned formal transformations were accompanied by liturgical changes, legitimised by the provisions of the Zamość Synod (1720). The article poses a question regarding the extent to which the form and the shape of the iconostasis were influenced by the Renaissance and Baroque reredoses within Polish churches. One can talk here about a purely formal influence, since a reredos in a church and an iconostasis within an Orthodox temple serve fundamentally different theological purposes.The reredos should emphasise the altar visually and ideologically (demonstratio et exposition), whereas the iconostasis is supposed to do the opposite, i.e. to cover and hide the altar (velatio et absconditio). What we encounter here are two extremes of Western and Eastern theology – the cataphatic one that aims at a positive depiction of the content of the Revelation and its systematic representation, and the apophatic one that accentuates the mystery of God which is inaccessible to the human mind. Naturally, both extremes coexist within Catholic and Orthodox theology, but – so to say – in reverse proportions. The iconostasis conceals the inconceivable mystery of the Eucharist and, at the same time, it reveals it through the very same cover. The metaphor of the window, used in the title of the Łodź-held conference, was derived from the theology of iconostasis by Father Pavel Florensky. The physical wall of the iconostasis is a symbolic boundary between Heaven and Earth, a boundary that unites and divides at the same time. Without windows, this wall would be solid. And in these windows stand Christ, Mary and the saints – those who once walked the earth and who now live somewhere else. And it is through them that the mystical light falls upon the faithful. They participate in the heavenly liturgy, the echo and reflection of which is the earthly liturgy. They stand at the border of two worlds in order to testify that Heaven does exist. This article is a preliminary attempt to systematise Ukrainian and Belarusian iconostases in their historical development, on the basis ofobjects preserved or known from the source contentand existing research results. This article was written alongside a profound iconographic research conducted by the author, presented in the book entitled Ukrainian and Belarusian Festive Icons in the former Polish Republic. The Issue of Canon (Ukraińskie i białoruskie ikony świąteczne w dawnej Rzeczypospolitej. Problem kanonu, Warsaw: Neriton 2001) and expanded in the article published under the following title: Iconostases in Orthodox Temples of the Polish Republic in the 17th and 18th Centuries (Ikonostasy w cerkwiach Rzeczypospolitej w XVII i XVIII wieku, “PrzeglądWschodni”Issue No. 8 (2003), Vol. 4 (32), pp. 897-921).
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