http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13831 Tue, 07 Apr 2026 02:45:53 GMT 2026-04-07T02:45:53Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13897 Stanowisko Hiszpanii wobec NATO w świetle doniesień dziennika „El Pais” z lat 1975-1996 Domejko-Kozera, Patrycja When NATO was created in 1949 Spain could not join the organization because of the authoritarian nature of general Francisco Franco regime and its cooperation with fascist Germany and Italy during the II World War. However, the USA recognized the strategic importance of Spanish territory in the period of cold war confrontation and initiated bilateral relations with Madrid in the security policy sphere in 1953. The informal cooperation of Spanish military forces with NATO followed. It was the end of the dictatorship and democratic transformation of the country that enabled Spain’s integration with the organizations of Western world. Once integration with NATO was possible, this issue sharply divided political elites of democratic Spain with the left generally opposing the accession to NATO and the right supporting it. Spain officially became a member of NATO in 1982 but in the same year the socialists came to power with a promise of referendum on the question of Spanish membership in NATO. The socialist government of Felipe González „froze" Spanish integration with this organization but finally pragmatic approach won: it did not lead Spain out of NATO but defined specific conditions of its membership (mainly not joining the integrated military structure). The end of the cold war confrontation and collapse of the USSR resulted in the necessity for NATO to adjust its character and tasks to the new circumstances. González’s government supported this transformation and Spanish forces actively participated in the new missions of NATO, which built Spanish reputation as a credible ally, the symbol of which was the election of Spanish ministry of foreign affairs Javier Solana for the post of Secretary General of the organization. Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13897 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13896 Paryska „Kultura” wobec wybranych wydarzeń z historii stosunków polsko-ukraińskich z lat 1919-1947 Komoński, Ernest Jerzy Giedroyc (1906-2000) was an editor of the Polish emigré monthly “Kultura" (1947-2000). He created interesting and influential periodical presently regarded as an only independent centre of Polish political thought after the Second World Was. Within activity of the monthly there were initiatives and ideas how Poland should develop the relationships with its neighbours, especially with Ukraine. In the view of “Kultura” Ukraine as a future independent country should be strongly related with Poland. Owing to this Poland could depend on partner relations with Russia. Both Polish and Ukrainian publicists of “Kultura” showed the ways how to create the future agreement between Poland and Ukraine. The one of its crucial links could be honest and free of communist or nationalist rhetoric explanation of the events from common twentiethcentury history. Jerzy Giedroyc’s circle considered it as an element of bilateral conciliation. Publicists of “Kultura” wrote several articles on the Polish policy towards the Ukrainians in interward Poland. In this topic there was emphasized unequal treatment of Ukrainian allies by Poles during Polish-Bolshevik war (1919-1921) and proved discrimination against the Ukrainian minority by the Polish government in the 30s. The Second World War (1939-1945) brought especially many dramatic events in Polish- Ukrainian history. Paris “Kultura wished to explicate a few problems. The first one was a question of political and practical responsibility for the death of Polish professors from Lvov in 1941. The second one was an issue of mass murder of Polish inhabitants of Volhynia and East Galicia committed by a part of Ukrainian nationalises in 1942-1944. In “Kultura” very important were articles on widespread stereotypes of military supporting German Nazis by Ukrainian nationalists during the putting down of the Warsaw Uprising in 1944. Other crucial topic was a problem of cooperation of Polish and Ukrainian underground troops against the communist regime shortly after the Second World War in the area of contemporary Poland. The subject of twentieth-century Polish-Ukrainian history was relatively often presented in “Kultura” and its “Zeszyty Historycznc". The specific of it among other things has consisted in describing historical events according to Anglo-Saxon terminology in the humanities. The informative purpose of “Kultura” in explaining problems from common history in several cases was eclipsed by the didactic purpose - Paris “Kultura” consciously hyperbolized the examples of Polish-Ukrainian cooperation because in Giedroyc’s conviction such a tactics would facilitate neighbourly conciliation. Other, definitely less controversial Giedroyc’s publicists’ work was created to Polish and Ukrainian historians a platform of understanding and friendly climate for research into mutual history. Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13896 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13895 Niemiecka propaganda rewizjonistyczna w świetle „Gazety Warszawskiej” z lat 1926-1930 Węclewska, Marta One of the most difficult problems regarding the relationship between Poland and Germany during the interwar period was the German’s revanchist propaganda which was made in the Weimar Republic. The general situation was as a result of the dissatisfaction the German nation had with the decisions of the Paris Peace Conference and the Treaty of Versailles. This was seen by Germany as both shameful and unjust, especially concerning blame for the outbreak of the First World War, Germany being disarmed and some of their provinces being given directly to Poland, amongst others. The political atmosphere in Europe in the twenties was not conducive to raising these issues. The Weimar Republic wanted to be regarded as a new democratic country. The policy of friendship with France and Great Britain did not let Germany speak aggressively about their demands. Therefore, German revanchism was turned mainly against Poland due to it being safer and not involving the western Allies. Meanwhile it was a convenient way to expressing the German people’s dissatisfaction and frustration. The Polish National Democratic Party thought that the most important subject in olish foreign policy should have been keeping to the principle of the Treaty of Versailles. The party was interested in recognising even the slightest traces of German revanchism. The Polish nationalists newspaper “The Warsaw Gazette” constantly showed examples of The Weimar Republic s propaganda. The evidence came from many different sources, in an attempt to make the Polish nation aware of how frequently revanchist demands were made in German society. The revanchist campaigning was popular not only among politicians and political parties, organizations and associations but also with scientific institutions, the press, cinema and educational establishment. Besides showing popularity of the revanchism, “The Warsaw Gazette gave countless examples of German propaganda claiming rights to these areas of, what was then, Poland. These claims included historical justification to them remaining German and questionable quality scientific papers concerning the detrimental economic and cultural consequence of loosing, what they regarded, “indigenous” territory. Naturally, besides informing its readership, “The Gazette analysed the Polish government's policy regarding anti-Polish propaganda in The Weimar Republic. The nationalist press proposed a solution which might have proved Polish rights to the disputable territories. “The Gazette” also emphasized that Poland would never agree to any territorial change. policy regarding anti-Polish propaganda in The Weimar Republic. The nationalist press proposed a solution which might have proved Polish rights to the disputable territories. “The Gazette” also emphasized that Poland would never agree to any territorial change. Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13895 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13890 Z badań nad inteligencją Łodzi przełomu XIX i XX wieku Jurek, Lidia The development of Łódź had been a unique phenomenon in Polish lands. The main reason for this was the distinctiveness of the growth of the city and its social structure. Unlike other Polish urban centres, such as Kraków, Lwów or Warsaw, Łódź emerged as a modern industrial metropolis only in the second half of the nineteenth century. The city’s industrial trait had a very strong influence on its inhabitants, the straight majority of whom, were mostly physical workers, who were growing in number as fast as the fortunes of the factories’ owners did. What is more, the multiethnic nature of the city contributed to the complexity of social relations within its confines. Given these circumstances, examining the shape, place, tasks and social attitudes of the intelligentsia proves to be highly engrossing. Although there is a broad literature concerning the issue of the 19th century Polish intelligentsia, no extended monograph of this subject matter was published with reference to Łódź so far. The article presents some of the issues which have to be taken into consideration while working on this stratum in tódź. It also implies that as for the social attitude of the local intelligents, there were two common paths to follow: aiming at a private success or working as a philanthropist and social activist. Undoubtedly, the character of the city would have encouraged adopting the former and, at die same lime, forced to agree to the latter. Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13890 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z