http://hdl.handle.net/11089/9952 Sun, 12 Apr 2026 15:24:41 GMT 2026-04-12T15:24:41Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/9959 Reviews Wed, 23 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/11089/9959 2011-11-23T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/9957 Russian-Estonian Relations After 2007: Current Status and Development Prospects Włodarska-Frykowska, Agata The article highlights the major points that have influenced relations between Russia and Estonia after 2007. These relations were rather poor during the post-Soviet period. The number of Russian people who lived in Estonia after gaining independence in 1991 exceeded 30%, which resulted in the very keen interest of Russia in Estonian politics. April 2007 created a new reality for relations between the countries. The decision to move the statues of Second World War Soviet soldiers from main squares to cemeteries provoked negative reactions from Russians living in Estonia, but also infuriated leaders of the Russian government. As a consequence there were harsh verbal attacks from Moscow, the Estonian ambassador to Moscow was harassed, cyberspace attacks took place and traffic over the bridge in Narva, which is a key highway from Russia, was blocked. The Estonian authorities know there is no point in maintaining conflict with Russia. The President of Estonia, Toomas Hendrik Ilves, has stressed that Estonia's relationship with its biggest neighbour, Russia, can only get better. Russia plays an incredibly important role in the Estonian economy and tourist industry, according to Andrus Ansip, the Prime Minister of Estonia. Wed, 23 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/11089/9957 2011-11-23T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/9956 Twenty Years of Poland's Euro-Atlantic Foreign Policy Zięba, Ryszard During the years 1989-1991, after a deep transformation of the internal system and the international order in Europe, Poland pursued a sovereign foreign policy. The new policy had the following general goals: 1) to develop a new international security system which would guarantee Poland's national security; 2) to gain diplomatic support for the reforms conducted in Poland, including primarily the transformation of the economy and its adaption to free market mechanisms, which were designed to result in economic growth; and 3) to maintain and increase the international prestige of Poland and the Poles, who had been the first to commence the struggle to create a democratic civil society in the Eastern bloc. Implementing this new concept of foreign policy, Poland entered the Council of Europe in November 1991. The following year, Warsaw started to strive for membership of NATO, which was achieved in March 1999. A few years later, Polish leaders pursued policies in which Poland played the role of a "Trojan horse" for the USA. This was manifested most clearly during the Iraqi crisis of 2003, and in the following years, particularly in 2005-2007. From spring 1990 Poland aspired to integration with the European Community; in December of the following year it signed an association agreement, which fully entered into force in February 1994. In the period 1998-2002 Poland negotiated successfully with the European Union and finally entered this Union in May 2004. In subsequent years Poland adopted an Eurosceptic and sometimes anti-EU position. The new Polish government, established after the parliamentary election of autumn 2007, moved away from an Eurosceptic policy and pursued a policy of engagement with European integration. Wed, 23 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/11089/9956 2011-11-23T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/9958 Round Table Debate Stępień-Kuczyńska Alicja Wed, 23 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/11089/9958 2011-11-23T00:00:00Z