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<title>Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Archaeologica 29</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/5612</link>
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<rdf:li rdf:resource="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/5634"/>
<rdf:li rdf:resource="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/5633"/>
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<dc:date>2026-04-04T01:30:25Z</dc:date>
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<title>Późnośredniowieczny miecz ze stanowiska  Lutomiersk-Koziówki 3a–c, pow. pabianicki</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/5634</link>
<description>Późnośredniowieczny miecz ze stanowiska  Lutomiersk-Koziówki 3a–c, pow. pabianicki
Kucypera, Paweł; Muzolf, Błażej; Rybka, Krzysztof
The paper deals with a late medieval longsword found during recent excavations &#13;
at Lutomiersk-Koziówki, Pabianice County. The slender, hexagonal blade tapering acutely towards the point was identified as a late variaton of Oakeshott’s type &#13;
XVII, the smooth-surfaced, slightly elongated pommel represents type T3, while &#13;
the simple guard square in cross-section with convolute both ends pertains type &#13;
1a. The carried out analyzes of organic, heavily-mineralized residues found on &#13;
the weapons surface were identified as remains of a scabbard and grip fittings.The handle cladding was made of ash wood and the scabbard slats of spruce &#13;
wood. The scabbard was coated with sheepskin of high quality. A piece of fabric, &#13;
which was lifted from the sword’s surface, was qualified as silk and considered &#13;
as coming from an attire of Italian origin. Quantative chemical composition and &#13;
possible method of blade’s manufacture are also presented and discussed, as well &#13;
as the conservation process, which the artifact underwent.
</description>
<dc:date>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/5633">
<title>The weapon and the artist in the  virtual reality of medieval paintings</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/5633</link>
<description>The weapon and the artist in the  virtual reality of medieval paintings
Wasiak, Wojciech
Artykuł podejmuje kwestię równie cenionej, co rzadko stosowanej naukowej &#13;
współpracy interdyscyplinarnej. Jej brak jest szczególnie dotkliwy w badaniach &#13;
bronioznawczych korzystających w dużym stopniu ze źródeł ikonograficznych &#13;
i czerpiących informacje z opracowań z zakresu historii sztuki. Jeden z ważniejszych problemów wynikających z braku kontaktu między specjalistami można &#13;
określić jako koło hermeneutyczne, kiedy historyk sztuki datuje malowidło na &#13;
podstawie występowania jakiegoś elementu uzbrojenia, zaś bronioznawca opiera swoje datowanie użytkowania broni na podstawie podanej przez historyka &#13;
sztuki daty powstania dzieła. Problem pogłębiany jest jednak zazwyczaj dodatkowo przez brak aktualnych publikacji czytelnych dla specjalistów obu dziedzin. &#13;
Datowanie dzieł sztuki na podstawie obecności pewnego typu uzbrojenia i odwrotne wymagają bowiem dobrej orientacji w obu dziedzinach lub gruntownej &#13;
współpracy interdyscyplinarnej.
</description>
<dc:date>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/5632">
<title>In the world of medieval symbols.  Depiction of a shield from the fresco of  St. Martin’s Church in Wichów</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/5632</link>
<description>In the world of medieval symbols.  Depiction of a shield from the fresco of  St. Martin’s Church in Wichów
Michalak, Arkadiusz
Już co najmniej od XIX w. w badaniach nad uzbrojeniem wykorzystywane są źródła ikonograficzne. Dzieła sztuki pozwalają nam również wniknąć w świat nieoświetlony zazwyczaj przez źródła materialne: mentalności, wiary, przesądów.&#13;
Z ilustracją takiej sytuacji mamy prawdopodobnie do czynienia również &#13;
w wypadku fresków w kościele p.w. św. Marcina w podżagańskim Wichowie. &#13;
Malowidła z Wichowa mogły powstać na podstawie malarstwa tablicowego, lub &#13;
pewniej miniaturowego. Kompozycja interesującego nas Ukrzyżowania nawiązuje do form znanych z czeskich oraz śląskich rękopisów iluminowanych z przełomu XIV i XV stulecia oraz początków wieku XV. Według poznańskiej badaczki pozwala to uznać je za dzieło miejscowej twórczości cechowej rozwijane na użytek &#13;
dydaktyki w kościołach parafialnych.&#13;
W niniejszym tekście interesować będzie nas przede wszystkim występująca &#13;
w scenie Ukrzyżowania Chrystusa tarcza, którą dzierży wskazujący na Ukrzyżowanego dowódca jego oprawców. Na trójkątnego kształtu zabytku wyobrażono &#13;
twarz brodatego mężczyzny o satyrycznie powiększonych oczach i nosie. Typologicznie tarcza mieści się w formach trójkątnych, występujących głównie w XIII &#13;
i XIV w. Ich występowanie w wieku XV nie powinno jednak dziwić, gdyż były one &#13;
jako tarcze funeralne używane również w tym czasie.
</description>
<dc:date>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/5631">
<title>Jeszcze włócznia, czy już kopia?  Rozważania w kontekście dzieł sztuki europejskiej</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/5631</link>
<description>Jeszcze włócznia, czy już kopia?  Rozważania w kontekście dzieł sztuki europejskiej
Sierosławski, Artur
The lance is an instantly recognizable medieval weapon. It’s the primary weapon &#13;
of a medieval knights, the primary he uses in battle. But it’s still not clear when &#13;
the lance appeared. In most publications its appearance is dated to the 12th c. &#13;
There are no preserved artifacts and the written sources are not clear on this &#13;
subject. New informations can be drawn from works of medieval art, especially illustrated manuscripts and architectural decorations. For this deliberation &#13;
I used iconography dated between the 8th and 14th c. There are three characteristics with which we can distinguish the spear and the lance. The first is the construction of the shaft end. The difference between spear shaft and lance shaft is &#13;
that the lance shaft had a vamplate, a small circular plate. In many publications &#13;
it can be read, that this plate was made for protecting the hand. This is of course &#13;
a misunderstanding. It allowed a firmer grip of the shaft upon impact. There was &#13;
no need to protect the hand during the duel, because knights were trying to hit &#13;
the head or the torso of their opponents, not the hand. The second way to recognize the kind of weapon is to analyse how the horsemen uses them. The spears &#13;
were manipulated with one hand. Horsemen were very often attacking by rising the spear over the head and then striking their opponents from above. Lances were used in a quite different way. Horsemen during the attack had the lances under their arms and struck their enemies facing them. These two polearm &#13;
techniques can be found on medieval representations. The third characteristic is &#13;
the shape of the spearhead. In many illustrations it is shown very schematically, &#13;
therefore very often we can’t identify the type of weapon basing on the presentation of the tip. The only exception is the spearhead of type VI (by Nadolski). The &#13;
characteristic crosspiece attached to (or slightly below) the bush is quite often &#13;
marked on the illustrations. In these situations we can be sure, that this weapon is a spear.&#13;
During the 8th–10th c. mounted units undoubtedly utilized spears, there is no &#13;
argue about that. On every illustration made at that time which shows a mounted &#13;
warrior armed with a pole weapon, this weapon is a spear. Around the middle of &#13;
the 11th c. a very important change in the use of polearms occurred. The Bayeux &#13;
Tapestry which was made around 1068 depicts horsemen using spears in a manner typical for the lance. One of knights represented in the battle scene holds his &#13;
spear under his arm and hits his opponent in the face. This is an unquestionable evidence that the evolution of the lance started in the 11th, not the 12th c. Of &#13;
course I don’t suggest, that the army of William the Conqueror was armed with &#13;
lances, but that the mentioned work of early medieval art is the oldest evidence &#13;
of the first step in the evolution of polearms. In this context we should look closer at some types of early medieval spearheads, especially of Nadolski’s type IX, &#13;
which is relatively short, but massive. Could it be a type of an early lance head?&#13;
In the 12th and 13th c. the shaft of the lance was developed, the weapon became longer and heavier. Knights represented in art from that time always use &#13;
their polearms by holding them under their arms. Hunting scenes are the only &#13;
exceptions. In these cases the horsemen uses their weapons holding them I one &#13;
hand, above their heads. That proves that they’re using spears. Another important source for this discussion is the Manesse Codex, which was written in the &#13;
first half of the 14th c. A few illustrations depict duel scenes and “portraits” of &#13;
knights, who were the main characters of poems contented in the Codex. Some of &#13;
those illustrations are very accurate, with important details clearly visible. Some &#13;
of the lances represented here have an additional constructional element, a vamplate. As it was written in the beginning, its presence is one of the essential differences separating the lance from the spear.&#13;
Is it possible to point the exact time when the lance appeared? Medieval iconography can bring us closer to the truth, but it only allows to identify the ante &#13;
quem dating. Surely, the first step of the evolution of medieval polearms took &#13;
place before 1066, before the battle of Hastings that is. But to say exactly how &#13;
long before the battle took place mounted warriors had already been accustomed &#13;
to the use of spears in a way specific for the lance – this cannot be determined.
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<dc:date>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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